COVID-19 vaccinations
Had it not been for the abortion decisions, 2021–2022 might have been “the COVID Term.” Two of the most anticipated decisions involved mandatory vaccinations (or masking/testing instead). The question in each of these cases was whether Congress had authorized 2 federal agencies to issue the emergency regulations requiring vaccination. Emergency regulations are held to higher standards because they bypass the usual protections of the Administrative Procedure Act.
One case involved a regulation issued by the Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) that employers (with more than 100 employees) must require their employees to be vaccinated. In a 6-3 decision, the Court held that OSHA did not have the authority to enforce this as an emergency regulation. The other case was a regulation issued by HHS that health care institutions receiving Medicare and Medicaid funding must require all staff to be vaccinated.26 In a 5-4 decision, the Court upheld this emergency regulation because of the very broad authority Congress had given HHS to ensure the safety of patients and the quality of Medicare- and Medicaid-funded programs.27
In another case, in the shadow docket (orders and opinions in cases without full arguments), the Court struck down the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s eviction moratorium.28 The Court said the government claimed “a breathtaking amount of authority” that Congress did not intend. In other shadow docket cases, the Court refused to hold unconstitutional state laws that require COVID-19 vaccination but did not have religious exemptions.29
Analysis of this Term
It was an extraordinary Term. The Court decided 66 cases (excluding most cases in the shadow docket), a low number historically. Not only were there many seminal cases but also the Court appears to be shifting toward a new direction. That direction may be oriented more toward the original understanding of the words of the Constitution and statutes and less toward policy; Congress rather than administrative agencies; racial nondiscrimination rather than preferences; and the free exercise rather than the establishment of religion. Whether there is such a shift or not, of course, only time will tell.
Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Kavanaugh were in the majority most often (95% of the cases), followed by Justices Barrett (90%), Alito (85%), Thomas (80%), and Gorsuch (75%). Justices Kagan (69%) and Breyer (68%) were not far behind. Justice Sotomayor was in the majority 58%. The Court was unanimous 29% of the time, well below the decade average (43%), and 6-3 accounted for 30% of the decisions.
A major, potentially scarring, event this Term was the leak of an early draft of the majority opinion in Dobbs. Although leaks have occurred before, the early leak of an opinion was unprecedented. It will almost inevitably change the openness and candor within the Court and the justices’ clerks. Although not unprecedented, the attempt on the life of Justice Kavanaugh and the organized efforts to harass some justices in their homes are likely to have lasting impact. Almost certainly it means that justices and their families will have constant security and their movements and connection with the general public will become less frequent, which is sad for the justices and our democracy.
Looking toward the next Term
When the Court next convenes, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson will take her seat on the left end of the Court (the traditional seat for a new justice, not a commentary on judicial philosophy). The Court has already taken many cases, including issues about university affirmative action programs, web designers and same-sex couples, redistricting and voting rights, DNA testing in criminal cases, and overtime pay for someone making over $200,000 per year. It begins Monday, October 3, and promises to be another interesting Term. ●